David Cameron: We are a compassionate party

Mandy Rhodes: Given all the predictions of a hung parliament, at what point in the campaign did you think that could be wrong?

DAVID CAMERON (DC): In every election you battle for every vote, every day of the campaign. That’s what we did in the Scottish referendum, and that’s what we did in May. You have to believe in the strength of your arguments and that they will win through on the only day that matters, polling day. I knew we could be the largest party – and I always retained hope that we would win a majority.

What difference has it made around the cabinet table not having Lib Dems present and do you miss them?

DC: It was right that we formed a coalition five years ago but I can’t say I mind having to fill the cabinet table this time around from only the Conservative benches! I am particularly pleased that we now have a Conservative Secretary of State for Scotland.

Many – mainly Lib Dems, to be fair – would argue they injected a sense of social justice into the way the last government operated. Is it fair to claim they tempered some of your own party’s zealousness?

DC: Voters decided that coalition was the right choice in 2010 and made a different decision in 2015. The task now is to finish the job of moving our country from one living beyond its means to one where we pay our way. We have a long-term economic plan which is working, delivering record levels of employment, rising living standards and a sound footing for our public services. But that doesn’t mean giving up on our Conservative ideals of compassion and care.

We will continue to look after those who need help the most, but at the same time we must be fair to those who pay the cost – the taxpayers of the UK. So we will continue to deliver a welfare system which is fair and affordable, supports the vulnerable and helps many more back into work.

Given the scale of the welfare reforms outlined in the Budget, how can the Conservatives avoid the nasty party label?

DC: Conservatives governing alone have demonstrated we are genuinely a compassionate, one nation party, not least with the national living wage which will be £9 an hour or more in 2020. Because we are radical, reforming welfare and cutting taxes we can be more progressive than in coalition.

On election night, Willie Rennie, leader of the Scottish Liberal Democrats, said you had done more damage to the Union in eight months than the SNP had done in eight years, referring to you painting the SNP as the bogeyman in England during the election. Was there was a risk of alienating Scotland by trying to win votes in England, and was that a risk worth taking?

DC: Whether it was on higher taxes, more borrowing, uncontrolled welfare or a host of other issues, it was clear that Labour and the SNP were two peas in a left-wing pod. That was a message which struck a chord with voters, and in Scotland it is worth noting that the number of Conservative votes went up, but the Labour and Lib-Dem vote collapsed.

Your positioning on EVEL and the way it has been linked with fulfilling ‘The Vow’ has further stoked the Nationalist argument that you are not interested in Scotland and what it wants. Do you think your relations with Scotland have deteriorated?

DC: We are fulfilling our promise to bring fairness to all parts of our United Kingdom. Delivering the Smith proposals on devolution in full; a new deal for Wales; creating a northern powerhouse and more devolution within England. And it is right and fair that as Scotland and Wales see their devolved powers and responsibilities enhanced, then a decisive say over such powers affecting England are subject to specific consent by England’s MPs. Nobody could reasonably argue that is wrong. Indeed, the SNP used to say the same. But perhaps because tackling English votes is fair to the whole UK, that is why they have changed their tune and seek to undermine it.

Why do you think Nicola Sturgeon consistently polls highest in popularity, and what did you make of the four Labour leadership contenders being asked what characteristic they shared with her?

DC: The SNP’s gains in votes and seats in the General Election were a direct result of the collapse of Labour and the Lib Dems. There is no doubt that the First Minister captured the ground they abandoned and made the most of the opportunity.

Which one do you share?

DC: She is a polished performer and somebody with whom I can and do work, despite the obvious differences we have over the constitution, economic policy and defence, to name just a few. I leave it to others to decide where any similarities lie!

Some in your own party have told me the whole atmosphere has changed for the better with the clear out of the Scottish Labour MPs and the influx of the 56 SNP MPs. Is that something you recognise and how are you finding working with the SNP? Obviously Nicola Sturgeon was yanking your chain a bit over the fox-hunting vote.

DC: As for the new SNP MPs, time will tell whether they are here to represent their electorates, or merely to agitate to break up Britain. If it is the former, then my party and this Government will work with them to deliver for Scotland whenever there is common ground. But their action over foxhunting maybe shows their true intent. The First Minister herself used this issue as an example of something she did not want MPs from Scotland to vote on – but then ordered her troops in the House of Commons to abandon that principle merely to sow seeds of discontent and mischief. It won’t work. Scots are fair-minded people who can see through such political posturing.

Do you think a second referendum is an inevitable outcome of the result of the last and do you think independence is an eventual inevitability?

DC: No. And No. As the First Minster, and her predecessor said, the referendum was a once in a generation or once in a lifetime event. I signed the Edinburgh Agreement – which committed both governments to respect the referendum outcome – in good faith. Scotland spoke last year, and we listened. That is why we are delivering the Smith proposals in full. The Scotland Bill brings more powers and crucially much greater accountability for raising the money Holyrood spends. Once implemented, the buck will stop at Bute House. So the SNP has a choice. Obsess about battles lost, or move on and embrace the new powers. May’s Holyrood elections should surely be about how these powers are to be used, what any changes will cost and who in Scotland will pay.

There has been much made of a Scottish Conservative revival and yet the party’s share of the vote actually went down in May. How confident are you that you will do well next May?

DC: The number of Conservative votes went up – whilst those for Labour and the Lib Dems drained away. A new choice is emerging in Scottish politics, between the SNP which would break up Britain, the Scottish Conservatives who will build up Scotland in Britain.

Will you be encouraging Ruth Davidson to run as an MP at the 2020 election?

DC: Ruth is a massive talent and a huge asset to our party and to Scotland. She has passion and compassion and is the only leader in Scotland who can go toe-to-toe with Nicola Sturgeon. As for the future, I know she is ambitious for May – and who could argue against her? Rightly, that’s where the focus lies.

Now that you have a taste of majority government, has your view on standing down at the end of this term changed?

DC: As for me, I’ve said what I’ve said and I stick to it.